*Source for image: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/BTS*

Korean pop music or K-pop is arguably one of the most successful forms of Asian pop music as it is listened to on a global scale. K-pop is often a mix of an upbeat music track paired with singing, rapping, and dancing and the global spread of K-pop can be linked to the high-quality performances made by the artists, usually called idols. This global spread is often defined as Hallyu. Hallyu is a term used to define the Korean wave or the rapid growth in consumption of Korean cultural artefacts such as K-dramas (Korean TV dramas), Korean films and K-pop that has happened since the 1990’s. When examining the effects of Hallyu, many scholars tend to argue that Korean governments and policy makers support the spread of Korean cultural artefacts as the wave of consumption can be used as a form of ‘soft power’. The term ‘soft power’ was first used by political scientist Joseph Nye and refers to the power a country holds through its perception and not by a ‘hard force’ such as the military power a country has. Every country has its own way of using soft power, for example, the USA uses soft power to promote an image of America that is desirable in the global spreading of Hollywood films as well as material products such as Coca-Cola and Apple phones, tablets, and computers. Korea uses their cultural artefacts as soft power to showcase Korea in a similarly desirable way; films such as Shiri and dramas such as Autumn in My Heart became hugely successful not only within Korea but also in countries like Japan, China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Vietnam and created excitement about the growing popularity of Korea and Korean culture. K-pop is another vehicle used by Korea to share the culture of Korea and has had mass amounts of success not only in the countries that fall under the umbrella term of ‘East Asia’ i.e., Vietnam, Japan, Malaysia, Thailand etc. but also in western countries as well.

For the ‘East Asian’ countries, K-pop and other forms of Hallyu are not a new thing and something that they have gotten used to. However, K-pop, and other forms of Hallyu is a new phenomenon for western audiences and for non-K-pop fans, knowledge of South Korea, K-pop and Korean culture usually comes from magazine and news articles and talk shows. Artists (or idols) such as Seventeen, PSY, Blackpink, and BTS have all been featured within western press and American talk shows with the latter two groups reaching huge levels of success within western countries. Blackpink and BTS have gained multiple number ones on the Billboard Hot 100 chart and have reached levels of success that other K-pop idols haven’t and have both been recognised as the ‘Pride of South Korea’ by the South Korean President Moon Jae-in. BTS have been recognised by President Moon Jae-in before as he named BTS’ Jimin as a representative of K-pop and they are counted as an official brand that contributes to the economy of South Korea. BTS has become arguably the biggest Korean music group reaching commercial and critical acclaim worldwide. However, despite these achievements, BTS has struggled to become accepted as artists within western culture and media being met with xenophobia and prejudice due to the devaluation of K-pop as well as anti-Asian sentiments. In this essay, I will argue that the reason that western media mistreats BTS is due to deeply rooted anti-Asian sentiment through examining some of the ways western media has mistreated BTS, the historical contexts of anti-Asian sentiments within western society and how these contexts devalue BTS and K-pop within western culture and media.

Devaluation of K-pop:

Scholars have stated that the government policies on Hallyu stem from the acceptance that the cultural products created in Korea are needed for the economic stability of the country. Kwon and Kim state that ‘[t]he reason for aggressively promoting the cultural industries is largely attributed to the change in government approach towards viewing the culture industries as central to national economic growth’ (Kwon and Kim, 2013, p.423). In terms of K-pop, the global sales of music from idol groups bring in millions of dollars for the country as well as a keen interest in idols and their lives in Korea. Fans of BTS will regularly travel to Seoul, Busan, Daegu, and other areas of South Korea to gain a sense of closeness with the members, most fans will visit shops and restaurants that members have been to or that their family run i.e., Jimin’s dad owns a café in Busan called Magnate and fans will regularly visit. With the industry making thirty-million-dollars in 2009 and figures rising yearly, it is no wonder why the government is so keen on supporting Hallyu, economic growth and an increased amount of tourism help provide stability for the country.

However, despite the influence and intrigue of K-pop on western culture, it has been criticised for its lack of authenticity and manufacturing model. The model for K-pop is very reminiscent of Barry Gordy’s model for Motown but has the added support from Korean governments and policies. Gordy’s Motown model was based upon a car manufacturing assembly line and had a stage-by-stage system where at each stage of production perfection was demanded of the songwriters, producers, and artists. This is seen within the Korean music industry as well, especially within the major three companies, SM Entertainment, JYP, and YG Entertainment. Like Gordy’s model for Motown, the emphasis from these companies is to make music that will sell to audiences wider than their main demographic – for Motown it was to sell to white audiences and for K-pop, it is to sell not only to other ‘Eastern’ countries but to Western countries as well – and both models expect the highest level of quality from their artists. The model for K-pop is set this way due to the cultural norms of social harmony, politeness and kibun (the concept of maintaining someone’s pride) and so idols working within the model are expected to be role-models reflecting these cultural norms. This is similar to how the artists who worked for Gordy were expected to be exemplars of the black community, creating an accessible, palatable version of black music that white audiences can enjoy. The Motown model of music has influenced a lot of the major music companies within the western music industry, so if we consider Gordy’s model to be an example of western music industry standards then it is confusing as to why the K-pop model comes under so much scrutiny from western media with articles and exposés on ‘the dark side of K-pop’. Western media has consistently attempted to devalue the K-pop model stating that idols undergo cosmetic surgery and strict diet restrictions to maintain an illusion of ‘looking Caucasian while still being Asian’ with many idols using diets or cosmetic surgery to achieve a less round face opting for a more ‘V-shaped’ jaw line, in line with the popularity of anime characters within western countries. There are also many arguments against the ‘plastic’ manufacturing of K-pop, ‘slavery’ contracts where idols are obliged to stay in groups and perform from seven to fifteen years, and the exploitation of fans’ fantasies about their favourite members of idol groups.

This devaluation of K-pop from western media is evidence of the deeply rooted anti-Asian sentiments stemming from the idea of the ‘yellow peril’ (Lee, 2007). The ‘yellow peril’ is a racist metaphor representing people from ‘East-Asian’ (Cho, 2011) countries as an untrustworthy danger to the western world, it instilled a fear within the US and Canada about the Chinese, Japanese, Korean and other East Asian diaspora likening them to a ‘plague’ (Jack-Davis, 2020). This idea of untrustworthiness can be seen by the focussing on inauthenticity and manufacturing within the western media commentary on K-pop. In the case of BTS they not only been accused of exploiting the ‘boyfriend fantasy’ (Reddit, 2019) of fans through creating songs that allude to them being ‘oppas’ – an older brother or older man whom a girl trusts – but have also struggled to have their music played on western radio stations and music shows due to their lyrics being mainly Korean. This has made it hard for BTS to be seen as ‘legitimate artists within western media’ (Romano, 2020) as American radio stations have repeatedly refused to play their music with the exceptions of ‘Dynamite’, ‘Butter’ and ‘Permission To Dance’ their only songs with solely English lyrics and remixes of songs they have done in collaboration with western artists such as Halsey, Steve Aoki, Nikki Minaj, Lauv and MAX. This is synonymous with an Anglo-centric cultural production and the whitewashing of media. Historically, Asian, and other POC characters in film have been played by white actors or, when given to an actor of the accurate race, has been reduced to a harmful racial stereotype. It is problematic and dangerous for the media industries to continue this practice of ‘having white people don black or yellowface and boil their character down to an ethnic stereotype, […] tak[ing] those crucial roles away from the people of color who need representation in the media’ (Huynh, 2017). For BTS, their 2020 songs ‘Dynamite’ and ‘Life Goes On’ both reached number one on the US charts but whilst ‘Dynamite’ was allowed airtime on US radios, ‘Life Goes On’ received virtually none. This is because the lyrics of ‘Life Goes On’ are primarily Korean and so the chart position for this song was due to ARMY (BTS’ fans) streaming and purchasing the song on digital platforms. Despite hope from group leader RM that ‘the barriers are breaking down’, the fact that in order to achieve any commercial success without the reliance of their fans (ARMY) streaming and making digital purchases, BTS have had to create songs that are in English or in collaboration with English speaking artists speaks volumes to how deeply-rooted the need for Anglo-centric production goes within the western music industry. BTS themselves have said that ‘they themselves are the genre’ (Hiatt, 2021) opting out of being boxed into the genre of K-pop as they find that the restrictions between K-pop and American/western pop are ‘a part of a wider conversation that they don’t have to be a part of’ (Hiatt, 2021).

American award shows are no different to their radio stations in their refusal to acknowledge BTS or any other K-pop group. The VMA’s announced in 2019 that they were opening a new category for ‘Best K-pop’ which was met with backlash as it was unclear why the nominees could not be nominated for awards for “Best Choreography”, “Best Song”, or “Best Video” alongside their western counterparts. The Grammy’s had refused for two years to nominate BTS for categories such as “Best Album” or “Best Pop Song” despite the commercial success of their music beating out their western counterparts, instead allowing them to announce awards and perform alongside nominated artist Lil Nas X before finally nominating them for the 2021 awards for ‘Dynamite’. Despite this, their award category, “Best Pop Duo/Group Performance”, normally announced in the main award show was announced in the pre-award live stream on YouTube and then when they lost they were repeatedly used as advertisement for the main award show for their live performance of the song, ‘that didn’t stop the Grammys from relentlessly hyping BTS’s live performance all night in a desperate bid to keep viewers tuned into the show’ (Rolli, 2021) despite their performance being four hours into main show. The Grammys were also met with mass backlash because of this action, even by western media who stated that they needed BTS more than BTS needed a Grammy, but the awards issued no apology to BTS or their fans for this blatant misuse of BTS’ influence.

Even when praising BTS for their efforts, the media is still devaluing K-pop. In tokenistic efforts to seem less xenophobic by journalists, talk show hosts and award shows, BTS have been put on a pedestal for what K-pop should be like. BTS are consistently being praised for being ‘organic and unique’ (Corden, 2021) with James Corden, host of The Late Late Show, stating that ‘[i]t never feels like they’re in the machine’ (Corden, 2021), the machine being the K-pop production model. The reductive nature of alluding the K-pop model to a machine highlights the issues within the model but ignores the hard work of the idols, and dismisses the work of background dancers, producers, technicians, designers, managers and members of A&R departments reducing the whole process to ‘industrial robots’ (Dev, 2018). By doing this, western media can ignore its own issues with production such as precarious working conditions and ‘The Toddler-to-Trainwreck Industrial Complex’ (Stoner, 2021) – the issues of child stars being exploited by media production companies until they are no longer of worth (usually due to them being over 18) and left with little job and financial stability and a plethora of mental health issues including addiction.

The Question of Masculinity:

Another way that K-pop, and in particular, BTS are devalued by western media is by the negative coverage around their masculinity stemming from stereotypical images of Asian masculinity or ‘soft masculinity’ (Lee et al., 2020). In western societies, hegemonic masculinity, the idea of manliness where they are strong, dominant, independent, and competitive is the main ideal for masculinity. The ‘stereotype of emasculated Asian men’ (Lee, et al., 2020, p.5901) is often linked to BTS for their use of make-up and attention to fashion. In their article ‘Unpacking K-pop in America: The Subversive Potential of Male K-pop Idols’ Soft Masculinity’, Lee et al states that ‘popular culture critics and media have paid special attention to the fashion, makeup, and overall “androgynous” styles sported by BTS and other male idols (Lee, et al., 2020, p.5901). Many journalists and media outlets have mocked BTS for their lack of masculinity often saying that the members look like girls because of the amount of make-up they wear or the colours they dye their hair. The popularity of many male K-pop idols has been likened to them embodying bishonen or ‘masculinity with female aesthetics’ (Lee, et al., 2020, p.5904), they aim for this ideal of soft-masculinity as it makes their masculinity ‘hybridized’ (Jung, 2010, cited in Lee, et al., 2020, p.5904) in order to appear interesting and ‘transnational’ (Lee, et al., 2020, p.5904) for foreign audiences. And so, as well as being pretty, these male idols are also embodying the strong hegemonic masculinity ideal in order to reach their idol status. For example, BTS whilst wearing make-up and high-fashion garbs (typically feminised items), do dance moves often with hip-thrusting and grinding that showcase their muscular physiques as well as sexual prowess giving them the hybrid masculinity that Lee et al were discussing.

BTS often exhibit this hybrid form of masculinity, they freely express their emotions in a “non-toxic” way. They have been very open with their fans about their mental health struggles be it through their music, communications via social media platform V-live, during their concerts or when addressing the United Nations (UN) which they have done twice as a part of their ‘Love Yourself’ campaign. When asked about their views on masculinity, BTS stated,

                              “The labels of what being masculine is, is an outdated concept,” says RM. “It is not our intention to break it down. But if we are making a positive impact, we are very thankful. We live in an age where we shouldn’t have those labels or have those restrictions.” (Hiatt, 2021)

In western society, boybands also have their masculinity ridiculed if their fanbase if largely female. BTS is no exception to this rule, their fans are often labelled as ‘rabid little girls’ (Lee, 2021) in a misogynistic, sexist and reductionist attempt to not take them as serious music artists. As reductionistic as the labels for BTS’ fans are, it also comes with serious xenophobic undertones. In a now deleted segment for Deadline magazine, a line about their fans read as follows, ‘What’s that, you say? You don’t speak Korean? Well, rest assured, the little girls understand.’ (Lee, 2021). The othering of BTS for being Korean and the mocking of their fans for learning enough of the language to understand them is again reminiscent of the yellow peril, infantilising their fans as little girls so awestruck that they have learned this “foreign” language because of an unhealthy obsession with BTS. If BTS were white or were from a western country, there would be misogynistic mocking of their fanbase as seen through boybands such as One Direction and The Beatles, but because they are Korean, there is an added issue of them infiltrating the minds of ‘little girls’ with lyrics that their parents cannot understand.

In conclusion, the reaction to BTS’ success within western countries have been heavily xenophobic. They have been likened to a nuclear bomb, ‘British comedian Jimmy Carr said, “When I first heard something Korean had exploded in America, I got worried.”’ (Liu, 2019), and recently they have also been likened to Covid-19,

                              “These little pissers bragged about covering ‘Fix You’ from Coldplay,” Matuschik ranted on-air. “This is sacrilege! For this you will be vacationing in North Korea for the next 20 years!” He then went on to insist, “You can’t accuse me of xenophobia just because of this boy band. I have a car from South Korea,” but in the next breath declared BTS were “some crappy virus that hopefully there will be a vaccine for soon as well.” (Chakraborty, 2021)

These reactions to BTS among many others speak volumes to the deeply rooted Asian hate within western countries. Unless the western countries can get materialistic, economic, or political gain from Asian people and other POC, they are met with hatred, fear, and abuse. Members of the Korean diaspora, and other members of East Asian diasporas have been used to improve the economic stability of western countries and when they have done so, they are villainised and often deported back to their countries of heritage with minimal or zero knowledge of these countries or the language. And with the Covid-19 pandemic, anti-Asian hate crimes and sentiment have grown exponentially. The UN detailed ‘alarming’ (Chakraborty, 2021) levels of violence and hate crimes against the Asian diaspora in America since the beginning of the pandemic and this is because of the reuse of the yellow peril by ex-President Donald Trump equating coronavirus to ‘the China virus’ or the ‘kung flu’ (Jack-Davies, 2020).

BTS condemned the anti-Asian racism that has been happening within America, stating that they felt ‘grief and anger’ (Reed, 2021) as many other people do. They also highlighted their own experiences of xenophobia they received in America and other western countries but received backlash from right-wing press, who argued that BTS have never experienced racism in America. This response to BTS’ condemnation is another example of the reductionistic, xenophobic treatment BTS get from western media. BTS like many east-Asians cannot and choose not to hide their ethnicity, ‘[to quote Kim Whan-ki] “I’m Korean, and I can’t do anything not Korean. I can’t do anything apart from this, because I am an outsider.”’ (BTS, 2021). And whilst BTS are not in imminent danger of the levels of attacks that have been happening with the US, they are met with xenophobia and anti-Asian sentiment very often from western countries. Likening BTS and the K-pop model to a production that ‘churns out musical hits the way assembly lines churn out cars’ (Romano, 2020) or as an infectious virus, highlights the western fear of Asian’s and their success through the reduction of the successes of the K-pop model and Hallyu, exacerbating longstanding issues stemming from the emergence of the yellow peril metaphor.

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